Charles Sumner

It may teach us all, though few in numbers or alone, never, by word or act, to swerve from those primal principles of duty, which, from the landing on Plymouth Rock, have been the life of Massachusetts.

In the contemplation of their virtue we derive a lesson which, like truth, may judge us sternly, but, if we can really follow it, like truth, shall make us free.

For this moment, at least, let us tread under foot all pride of empire, all exultation in our manifold triumphs of industry, science, literature, with all the crowding anticipations of the vast untold Future, that we may reverently bow…

With pride I might dwell on those words which banished Slavery from our soil, and rendered the Declaration of Independence here with us a living letter.

With satisfaction I might point to special safeguards by which our rights have been protected against usurpation, whether executive, legislative, or judicial.

It is not difficult to trace most, if not all, of the ideas and provisions of our Preamble and Declaration of Rights to their primitive sources.

Indeed, the Constitution was openly opposed because it had no Bill of Rights.

They are the constant index, and also scourge, of injustice and wrong.

Bills of Rights are lessons of political wisdom and anchors of liberty.

The public mind is instructed, people learn to know their rights, liberal institutions are confirmed, and the Constitution is made stable in the hearts of the community.

Nor can I doubt that much good is done by this frank assertion of fundamental principles.

State after State, ending with California, follows the example of Virginia and Massachusetts, and places its Bill of Rights in the front of its Constitution.

Massachusetts and Connecticut had already led the way in that early and most comprehensive Preamble, which has been too little noticed; but in all English Declarations of Rights, and generally even in those of the Colonies, stress was laid…

This remarkable document, which became the immediate precedent for the whole country, marks an epoch in political history.

First came, long back in the thirteenth century, Magna Charta, with generous safeguards of Freedom, wrung from King John by the Barons at Runnymede.

At the time of its first adoption the Massachusetts Bill of Rights was more ample in provisions and more complete in form than any similar declaration in English or Colonial history.

As his work, it all claims our regard; and no part bears the imprint of his mind so much as the Preamble and Bill of Rights; nor is any other part authenticated as coming so exclusively from him.

The Common Law he had made his own, and mastered well its whole arsenal of Freedom.

The Preamble and Bill of Rights, like the rest of our Constitution, were from the pen of John Adams,--among whose published works the whole document, in its original draught, may be found.

But, notwithstanding the urgency of our business, I cannot allow the opportunity to pass--indeed, I should not do my duty--without attempting for a brief moment to show the origin and character of this part of our Constitution.

But the question is not now between the District System, which I covet so much for Massachusetts, and the proposed amendments, but between these amendments and the existing system.

This abuse will be removed; and here is the beginning, I had almost said the inauguration, of a true electoral equality in our Commonwealth.

In all political contests, it is like the well-knit Macedonian phalanx, or the iron front of the Roman legion, in comparison with the disconnected individual warriors against whom they were engaged.

The cities will be divided into districts, and this I regard of twofold importance: first, as the beginning of a true system; and, secondly, as reducing the power which the cities, by the large number of their representatives, chosen by…

The small towns will have a more constant representation; and this of itself is an approach to the true principle of representation, which should be constant as well as equal.