Unwelcome as it may be to that famous Castilian pride which has played so lofty a part in modern Europe, Spain must not refuse to see the case in its true light; nor can she close her eyes to the lesson of history.

At all events, is victory over a colony contending for independence worth the blood and treasure it will cost?

These are serious questions, which can be answered properly only by putting aside all passion and prejudice of empire, and calmly confronting the actual condition of things.

Nor must the case of Cuba be confounded for a moment with our wicked Rebellion, having for its object the dismemberment of a Republic, to found a new power with Slavery as its vaunted corner-stone.

For myself, I cannot doubt, that, in the interest of both parties, Cuba and Spain, and in the interest of humanity also, the contest should be closed.

Cuba must be saved from its bloody delirium, or little will be left for the final conqueror.

Nor can the enlightened mind fail to see that the Spanish power on this island is an anachronism.

The day of European colonies has passed,--at least in this hemisphere, where the rights of man were first proclaimed and self-government first organized.

A governor from Europe, nominated by a crown, is a constant witness against these fundamental principles.

As the true course of Spain is clear, so to my mind is the true course of the United States equally clear.

Enough of war have we had, without heedlessly assuming another; enough has our commerce been driven from the ocean, without heedlessly arousing another enemy; enough of taxation are we compelled to bear, without adding another mountain.

The more I reflect upon the actual condition of Spain, the more I am satisfied that the true rule for us is non-intervention, except in the way of good offices.

There is a rule of conduct which they must follow, subject always to just accountability where they depart from it.

The fact cannot be invented or imagined; it must be proved.

No matter what our sympathy, what the extent of our desires, we must look at the fact.

A cruiser without accountability to Prize Courts is a lawless monster which civilized nations cannot sanction.

Even if they come within the prerequisites of International Law, I am unwilling to make any recognition of them so long as they continue to hold human beings as slaves, which I understand they now do.

Nor is there any evidence that any decree or constitution has had any practical effect.

Undoubtedly an independent nation may do anything in its power, whenever it pleases,--but subject always to just accountability, if another suffers from what it does.

In the absence of any precise injunction, I do not hesitate to adopt that interpretation of International Law which most restricts war and all that makes for war,--believing that in this way I shall best promote civilization and obtain new…

On this subject I have never spoken except with pain, as I have been obliged to expose a great transgression.

There can be no doubt that we received from England incalculable wrong,--greater, I have often said, than was ever before received by one civilized power from another, short of unjust war.

This terrible complicity began with the wrongful recognition of Rebel belligerence, under whose shelter pirate ships were built and supplies sent forth.

I make no demand,--not a dollar of money, not a word of apology.

It will be for her, on a careful review of the case, to determine what reparation to offer; it will be for the American people, on a careful review of the case, to determine what reparation to require.