Nullification and Secession are already, like the extinct monsters of a former geological period, to be seen only in the museum of History.

Then, indeed, there will be no North, no South, no East, no West; but there will be One Nation.

Not the Southern Cross flaming with beauty, not even the North Star, long time guide of the mariner and refuge to the flying bondman, but the whole star-spread firmament, will be our worship and delight.

Interlocked, interlaced, and harmonized, they will be congenial parts of the mighty whole, with Liberty and Equality the recognized birthright of all, and no local pretension to interfere against the universal law.

Local self-government, which is the pride of our institutions, will be reconciled with the national supremacy in maintenance of human rights, and the two together will constitute the elemental principles of the Republic.

We have been giving him chances, and we cannot act now without taking into consideration his character and position, which have become matters of history.

A large portion of our country believe the President a wicked man, of evil thoughts and unpatriotic purposes, in spirit and conduct the successor of Jefferson Davis, through whom the Rebellion is revived.

It is unquestionably the opinion of a large portion of the people of the United States; whether a majority or not the future may disclose.

And here I act on no floating rumor, to which the Senator from Illinois refers; I act with reference to the character of the chief magistrate, displayed in his public conduct.

It seems to me that it will be something like rashness, if the Senate concede to him another occasion to practise on the country in carrying out his policy, as we know he has practised in times past.

We should not give him a day; we should not give him five minutes,--I am ready to say that,--not five minutes, for the chance of illegitimate power.

I will not allow him to exercise it, and then take my chance hereafter of applying the corrective.

It seems to me very clear that the authors of these resolutions have accomplished nothing except to exhibit their own blind prejudices.

The assent of the State, once given, is final.

A State, I do not hesitate to say, can no more withdraw such assent than it can withdraw from the Union; and on the latter proposition I believe there is now a universal accord.

But, happily, Sir, this extraordinary effort of an accidental Legislature is absolutely impotent.

The Amendment in question is already a part of the Constitution of the United States, and in full vigor, even without the assent of Ohio.

This Amendment was originally proposed by a vote of two thirds of Congress, composed of the representatives of the Loyal States.

It has now been ratified by the Legislatures of three fourths of the Loyal States, being the same States which originally proposed it through their representatives in Congress.

The States that are competent to propose a Constitutional Amendment are competent to adopt it.

Therefore, I say, this resolution of the Legislature of Ohio is brutum fulmen,--impotent as words without force.

It can have no practical effect, except to disclose the character of its authors.

PRESIDENT,--I wish to remind the Senator from Maryland of the exact words of the Constitution, which were not, it seems to me, in his mind when he spoke.

Three fourths of the actual Legislatures of this Union have ratified the proposed Amendment, and I insist, on the text of the Constitution, and also on the reason of the case, that such ratification is complete.

Of course the very question which we are now discussing with reference to the Fourteenth Amendment arises also on the Amendment prohibiting Slavery.