But how emphatically disgraceful for a government to license Slavery, that crime of crimes, even though the consideration in return for the license be very great, and the pay very tempting!

This, however, is the deep disgrace with which the Apportionment Amendment threatens the Constitution and the country.… It is true that Slavery is not literally in the Amendment.

But it is also true, that, where such proscription is of one race by another, there is an instance where the proscribed are enslaved.

The power, therefore, which this Amendment will give the Southern whites to withhold the ballot from the Southern blacks will be the power to enslave them.

If they shall withhold from them the ballot, they will also withhold from them freedom.

I know not how that may be; but I do know that we can get nothing much worse, and that it would be far better to get nothing than to get this.

To favor no Amendment of the Constitution of the United States which will grant or allow any one or all of the States of this Union to disfranchise any class of citizens on the ground of race or color.

We see opposite things, when we look at this proposition; and permit me to say, we see opposite things, when we look at the Constitution itself.

I do not believe, that, under the Constitution, even as it exists, the disfranchisement of a considerable portion of fellow-citizens is consistent with a republican government.

Still further, I do not believe that “color” can be a “qualification” for an elector.

I have fought a long battle with Slavery, and I confess solicitude, when I see anything looking like concession to this wrong.

It is not enough to show me that a measure is expedient; you must show me also that it is right.

Ah, Sir, can anything be expedient which is not right?

It is by compromise that human rights have been abandoned.

After all its trials, the country needs repose,--it deserves repose; but repose can be found only in everlasting principles.

It cannot be found by inserting in your Constitution the disfranchisement of a race.

But, if ever I were disposed to despair, it would be when listening to such arguments and excuses.

The people are in advance, and will sustain us, if we are courageous.

They will adopt anything that is true, just, and noble, for the protection of benefactors, and to carry out the principles of our Government; they will sustain any legislation having such object.

They ask Congress to protect them; and they see that this can be only by giving the ballot to the freedmen.

All men of common sense must now see that there can now be no loyal civil governments in these States, if the negroes are not permitted to neutralize with their votes the votes of Rebels.

Whatever may have been our former notions in regard to the negro, it is now very evident that practically they are better citizens than the majority of whites, in some portion of the Rebel States.

God forbid that Congress should abdicate its beneficent powers!

I cannot, I dare not, help in any such abdication.

The present question is, whether 5,895 voters shall be invested with the powers of a State; whether they shall send into this Chamber two Senators, whose votes shall be equal to the vote of New York, of Pennsylvania, of Ohio, or of…