Political Quotes

Charles Sumner

The Public Record

Charles Sumner was an American lawyer and statesman who represented Massachusetts in the United States Senate from 1851 until his death in 1874. Before and during the American Civil War, he was a leading American advocate for the abolition of slavery, and after the war he was a key figure in the Reconstruction era, during which he and other Radical Republicans successfully fought to end slavery and ensure basic rights for Black Americans. He continued advocating for racial equality until his death, lobbying in his final days for a civil rights bill that served as a model for the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Historians credit Sumner with coining the phrase "equality before the law," which he first used as part of an early attempt to integrate Boston's public school system.

We may well be fascinated by the historic grandeur of the work; but I am more tempted by its practical value in promoting relations between distant parts of our own country and in helping the commerce of the world.

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It cannot be treated according to the ordinary rule; it is a new case, and to meet it we must make a new precedent.

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New circumstances have arisen, and you are called on to meet them frankly, simply.

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But, Sir, I confess that with me the prevailing objection is, that the State does not present itself with a constitution republican in form, and on this question I challenge the deliberate judgment of my excellent friend, the Senator from…

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I challenge the distinguished Senator to show that a constitution which disqualifies citizens on account of color can be republican in form.

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I wish that my friend would lift himself to the argument that such a government cannot be republican, and must not be welcomed as such on this floor.

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It is not without pain and trouble that I find myself constrained to differ from valued friends and associates, with whom I am always proud to agree; but I cannot recognize a constitution with the word “white” as republican.

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With such conviction, it is my duty to oppose the welcome of this Territory as a State just so long as I can.

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If I had my way about it, nobody would be excluded from the franchise that was a male citizen of proper age, let his color be what it would.

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But to deny that under the Constitution of the United States this constitution is republican in form is to deny that we have a republic at all.… The State of Massachusetts is a little forward on this subject.

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By solemn vote, you have recorded yourselves in favor of Human Rights, and have established them here at the National Capital.

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And now, Sir, you are asked to set aside Human Rights, and to forget the triumph and example of yesterday.

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Before you is a constitution with the word “white,”--a constitution creating a white man’s government, such as is praised by Senators on the other side,--and you are asked to recognize that disreputable instrument.

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I am against any such government, and I trust the Senate will not proceed with its consideration.

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Do not to-day undo the good work of yesterday, nor imitate that ancient personage who unwove at night the web woven during the day, so that her work never proceeded to any end.

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There is the Bankrupt Bill, practical and beneficent in character, and involving no sacrifice of Human Rights.

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This is a measure of real humanity, calculated to carry tranquillity and repose into the business of the country.

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My name is recorded, on all the yeas and nays, and they were numerous, against the admission of Tennessee; and the reason I assigned was, that the constitution contained the word “white.

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Let me say that I should consider myself bound by the Constitutional Amendment, if the Southern States complied with it within a reasonable time; and that reasonable time, in my judgment, is nearly elapsed.

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When they complied with all we asked of them in the Constitutional Amendment, I supposed we could not refuse to let them in on those terms.… Certainly I am as much for colored suffrage as any man on this floor; but when I make such an…

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But I entered into no such agreement, and I do not understand that the Senate or Congress entered into any such agreement.

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I know that certain politicians and editors have undertaken to foist something of this sort into the Constitutional Amendment; but there was no authority for it.

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How the Senator could attribute it to me, in the face of constant asseveration that I would not be a party to any such agreement, surpasses comprehension.

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I use this word advisedly; it is disastrous because it cannot fail to impair the moral efficiency of Congress, injure its influence, and be something like a bar to the adoption of a just policy for the Rebel States.

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In other days we all united, and the Senator from Ohio was earnest among the number, in saying, “No more Slave States!” I now insist upon another cry: “No more States with the word ‘white’!” On that question I part company with my friend…

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Politicians like Charles Sumner