Political Quotes

Charles Sumner

The Public Record

Charles Sumner was an American lawyer and statesman who represented Massachusetts in the United States Senate from 1851 until his death in 1874. Before and during the American Civil War, he was a leading American advocate for the abolition of slavery, and after the war he was a key figure in the Reconstruction era, during which he and other Radical Republicans successfully fought to end slavery and ensure basic rights for Black Americans. He continued advocating for racial equality until his death, lobbying in his final days for a civil rights bill that served as a model for the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Historians credit Sumner with coining the phrase "equality before the law," which he first used as part of an early attempt to integrate Boston's public school system.

It is the idea which combined our fathers on the heights of Bunker Hill,--which carried Washington through a seven years' war,--which inspired Lafayette,--which with coals of fire touched the lips of Adams, Otis, and Patrick Henry.

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Ours is an idea at least noble and elevating; it is an idea which draws in its train virtue, goodness, and all the charities of life, all that makes earth a home of improvement and happiness.

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Its broad, all-sustaining arches are Truth, Justice, and Humanity.

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Like the ancient Roman Capitol, at once Temple and Citadel, it shall be the fit shrine for the genius of American institutions.

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With the utmost candor, with a power of argument not to be answered, with an array of facts which cannot be met, he examined the position occupied by Cass and Taylor.

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Refraining from all abuse, on the contrary dealing out praise where praise is due, he yet showed most conclusively that on the great question, the only question of importance now in issue, neither of these candidates could be trusted.

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Its framework was logic and high moral principle, ornamented with refined and classical allusions and glowing images.

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It has been my desire and determination to labor in such fields of usefulness as are open to every private citizen, without the honor, emolument, or constraint of office.

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I would show by example (might I so aspire!) that something may be done for the welfare of our race, without the support of public station or the accident of popular favor.

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You now bid me renounce the cherished idea of my life, early formed, and strengthened by daily experience, especially by circumstances at the present moment.

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Upon serious deliberation, anxious to perform my duty, I feel myself unable to resist this appeal.

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In my view a crisis has arrived which requires the best efforts of every citizen; nor should he hesitate with regard to his peculiar post.

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When the fire-bell rings at midnight, when the ship which bears us drives furious upon a lee shore, there is no time to select the manner in which we will work.

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The principles of Washington, Jefferson, and Franklin, the security of our Constitution, the true fame of our country, the interests of labor, the cause of Freedom, Humanity, Right, Morals, Religion, God, all these are now at stake.

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On the other hand, there are many who regard the phalanx and antagonism of party as a necessary agency in the administration of free governments.

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But when they cease to join in their support, or when new principles are called into activity, then the common bond is dissolved, and a new association must be formed.

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New questions and new objects arise, having no connection with the subjects of past controversies, and present interest overcomes or absorbs the recollection of former controversies.

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All that are united on these existing questions and present interests are not likely to weaken their efforts to promote them by angry reflections on past differences.

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Much of the old distinction between Whig and Tory has already become traditional; the members of these two great antagonist combinations have recently united in measures demanded by the law of Human Progress.

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From this survey we are admonished not to hesitate in support of the new organization, from any vain idea of necessary permanence in the two old parties.

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Encouragement also may be drawn from the insufficiency of these parties as representatives of existing public sentiment.

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It is a humiliating reflection, forced upon us by the history of parties, that the professions of principle are often a mere cover to selfish efforts for place and power.

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Politics become a game, and principles are the counters which are used.

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The apparent contests of principle are made subservient to the contests of interest, and the latter is pursued to the neglect of the former.

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Let us at all hazards prevent the extension of Slavery and the increase of the Slave Power.

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Politicians like Charles Sumner