But while thus devoted, they do not always clearly see the line of duty.
Charles Sumner
The Public Record
Charles Sumner was an American lawyer and statesman who represented Massachusetts in the United States Senate from 1851 until his death in 1874. Before and during the American Civil War, he was a leading American advocate for the abolition of slavery, and after the war he was a key figure in the Reconstruction era, during which he and other Radical Republicans successfully fought to end slavery and ensure basic rights for Black Americans. He continued advocating for racial equality until his death, lobbying in his final days for a civil rights bill that served as a model for the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Historians credit Sumner with coining the phrase "equality before the law," which he first used as part of an early attempt to integrate Boston's public school system.
Local prejudice, personal antipathy, and selfish interest obscure the vision.
And far beyond all these is the disturbing influence of “party,” with all the power of discipline and organization added to numbers.
Men attach themselves to a political party as to a religion, and yield blindly to its behests.
By error of judgment, rather than of heart, they give up to party what was meant for country or mankind.
I do not condemn political parties, but warn against their tyranny.
A patriotic Opposition, watchful of the public service, is hardly less important than a patriotic Administration.
This influence becomes disastrous beyond measure, when bad men obtain control or bad ideas prevail.
Then must all who are not ready to forget their country consider carefully the consequences of their conduct.
Adherence to party may leave but one step to treason.
But it is the nature of true patriotism to love country most when it is most in peril.
As dangers thicken and skies darken, the patriot soul is roused by internal fire so that no sacrifice seems too great.
And now, when the national life is assailed by traitors at home, while foreign powers look on with wicked sympathy, I begin by asking that you should forget “party” and all its watchwords.
This, also, is a mistake, although it is generally urged by those who seek occasion to criticize the war, and therefore it is in the nature of misrepresentation.
If this peculiar immunity has been discontinued, it is only because Slavery is at last seen in its true character, and because its absolute identity with the Rebellion has come to be recognized.
Not, then, to restore the Constitution, not to abolish Slavery, do we go forth to battle,--for neither of these,--but simply to put down the Rebellion.
Never in history was there a war with an object so manifest.
If, in the process of putting down the Rebellion, the Constitution shall be completely restored or Slavery shall be completely abolished, the war will still be the same in essential object.
Certain slave-masters, after long years of conspiracy, rose against the Republic and struck at its life.
Meanwhile the Rebel States had taken the form of a confederacy, with Slavery as corner-stone, and proceeded to organize an immense military force in the service of the Rebellion.
No man,” said he, “can tell where the war this day commenced will end; but I will prophesy that the flag which now flaunts the breeze here will float over the dome of the old Capitol at Washington before the 1st of May.
Search history, and you can find no instance of equal audacity on the part of rebels, and no instance of equal forbearance on the part of Government.
Nobody can forget that day, when the people everywhere, inspired by patriotic ardor, rose in necessary self-defence to save the National Capitol and Faneuil Hall, already menaced.
For the Rebellion the war had begun long before; but for the country it began only at that great uprising, when all seemed filled with one generous purpose, and nobody hesitated.
The war then and there recognized was, on our part, a war of national defence, and its simple object was to put down the Rebellion.





