Without it Emancipation may for a while seem at fault, and the general welfare gravely suffer.

He is for Liberty, but he will not help us assure it to those who have for generations been despoiled of it.

Seriously, religiously, I accept Emancipation as proclaimed by the President, and now, by the votes of both Houses of Congress, placed under the sanction of Constitutional Law.

You must see to it that it is not nullified or evaded; and you must see to it especially that the new-made freedmen are protected in the rights now assured to them, and that they are saved from the prevailing caste, which menaces Slavery…

There is one thing that must be taken into account, and that is, that there will exist a very strong disposition among the masters to control these people and keep them as a subordinate and subjected class.

I think the tendency to establish a system of serfdom is the great danger to be guarded against.

The freedmen, rejoicing in recovered rights, must for a while be saved from the traditional harshness and cruelty to which for generations they have been exposed.

Call it protection,--call it what you will: the power of the Government must be to them a shield.

Now I undertake to say that the objection, in both these forms, is absolutely inapplicable.

Thus, for instance, in the fourth section, it is expressly provided that “every such freedman shall be treated in all respects as a free man, with all proper remedies in courts of justice, and no power or control shall be exercised with…

When the Senator finds danger to the freedman, he consults his imagination, inflamed by hostile sentiments he has allowed himself to nurse.

The superintendence is that of the intelligence office, and everything done is to be “in conformity with law.” This clause, even if it were in any respect ambiguous, must be ruled by those earlier words which declare that “every such…

The strange complaint is made, that this measure is too favorable to the freedman; and, indeed, we have been told that something is needed for the whites.

I trust that an enlightened Government will not fail to recognize its duties to all alike.

Reflect that the freedmen, for weary generations, have fertilized these lands with their sweat.

Plainly, to them we owe the first fruits of justice.

Besides, this provision is essential as a safeguard against white speculators from a distance, who will seek to monopolize these lands, with little or no regard to the freedman.

Ay, Sir, it is too evident that it is essential as a safeguard against grasping neighbors, who still pant and throb with the bad passions of Slavery.

It only remains that the Senate should adopt it, and give a new assurance of justice to an oppressed race.

I have read these opinions merely to bring home to the Senate, on authoritative grounds, the importance of providing some protection for this large body of freedmen, now justly looking to the National Government as their guardian.

It is for us to go further, and see that Freedom is something more than a barren letter.

We must see that it is a fruitful thing, of which they can avail themselves always, and which will be to them everywhere prolific of good.

If you reject the pending measure, you voluntarily refuse to carry forward that great act of Emancipation which you have already sanctioned.

I say, therefore, for the sake of Emancipation, let the report of this Committee be adopted; and I appeal to you, Senators, do not be afraid to be just.

Knowing well, from long experience, the cruel rule and domination of Slavery, even in this Chamber, I cannot be indifferent to the trials of loyalty anywhere in these latter days.