Political Quotes

Charles Sumner

The Public Record

Charles Sumner was an American lawyer and statesman who represented Massachusetts in the United States Senate from 1851 until his death in 1874. Before and during the American Civil War, he was a leading American advocate for the abolition of slavery, and after the war he was a key figure in the Reconstruction era, during which he and other Radical Republicans successfully fought to end slavery and ensure basic rights for Black Americans. He continued advocating for racial equality until his death, lobbying in his final days for a civil rights bill that served as a model for the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Historians credit Sumner with coining the phrase "equality before the law," which he first used as part of an early attempt to integrate Boston's public school system.

Then must this virtuous lady, whose pride is justice always, bend to receive the author of the Fugitive Slave Bill as ambassadorial plenipotentiary at her Court.

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A new power, dedicated to Slavery, will take its seat at the great council-board, to jostle thrones and benches, while it overshadows humanity.

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Its foul attorneys, reeking with Slavery, will have their letter of license as ambassadors of Slavery, to rove from court to court, over foreign carpets, poisoning the air which has been nobly pronounced too pure for a slave to breathe.

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Alas for England’s Queen, woman and mother, carried off from the cause of Wilberforce and Clarkson to sink into unseemly association with the scourgers of women and the auctioneers of children!--for a “stain” deeper than that which aroused…

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Alas for that Royal Consort, humane and just, whose dying voice was given to assuage the temper of that ministerial despatch, by which, in an evil hour, England was made to strike hands with Rebel Slavery!--for the counsellor is needed now…

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It is, that the Union permitted and still permits Slavery,--therefore foreign nations may recognize Rebel Slavery as a new power.

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There is no reason in any relations with them why a new power, with Slavery as its declared “corner-stone,” whose gospel is Slavery, and whose evangelists are Slavemongers, should be recognized in the Family of Nations.

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And yet, in face of this commanding rule, we are told to expect the recognition of Rebel Slavery.

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An aroused public opinion, “the world’s collected will,” and returning reason in England and France, will see to it that Civilization is saved from this shock, and the nations themselves from the terrible retribution which sooner or later…

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No power can afford to stand up before mankind and openly vote a new and untrammelled charter to injustice and cruelty.

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God is an unsleeping avenger; nor can armies, fleets, bulwarks, or “towers along the steep” prevail against His mighty anger.

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To any application for this unholy recognition there is but one word the Christian powers can utter.

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It is simply and austerely “No,” with an emphasis that shall silence argument and extinguish hope itself.

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Every moment of hesitation is a moment of apostasy, casting its lengthening shadow of dishonor.

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The concession of belligerence is the recognition of such limited sovereignty, which bears the same relation to acknowledged independence as gristle bears to bone.

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It is not enough to sail the sea, like the Flying Dutchman; the ocean belligerent must be able to touch the land, and that land its own.

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This proceeds on the idea of civilized warfare, that something more than naked force is essential to the completeness of capture.

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Where the property of neutrals is involved, this requirement becomes of absolute necessity.

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In conceding belligerence, all customary belligerent rights with regard to neutrals are conceded also, so that neutral rights and interests are put in jeopardy.

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If nothing is due to Civilization, something is due to neutrals.

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In that semi-sovereignty which constitutes belligerence on land there must be provision for the administration of justice, without which there is nothing but a mob.

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In that same semi-sovereignty on the ocean there must be similar provision.

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It is not enough that there are ships duly commissioned to take prizes, there must also be courts to try them; and the latter are not less important than the former.

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Earl Russell himself, so swift to make this concession, is led to confess the necessity of Prize Courts on the part of ocean belligerents, and thus exposes the irrational character of his own work.

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Let us at all hazards prevent the extension of Slavery and the increase of the Slave Power.

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Politicians like Charles Sumner