Each measure may be good in itself, but the two do not go together.

One is not the incident of the other, nor in any respect germane to the other.

They should be in separate bills, and be discussed separately.

Are you ready, while considering another question, to revive this debate, making it the accident of another, with which it has nothing to do?

That any such recognition of Slavery, or surrender of pretended slaves, besides being a practical recognition of the pretended Governments, giving them aid and comfort, is a denial of the rights of persons who by the action of the States…

Their special object was the protection of loyal persons, so that no form of confiscation or forfeiture should reach them,--meaning, of course, protection against Emancipation,--“whilst inflicting on the guilty leaders condign and…

Sumner regarded Slavery as the great offender, besides being a constant wrong, and he wished it destroyed completely.

The essential difficulty proceeded from the indisposition to Emancipation; for here was only another form of the perpetual question, “Shall the slaves be set free?

There is much reason for the opinion, that, by the simple act of levying war against the United States, the relation of Slavery was terminated, certainly so far as concerns the duty of the United States to recognize it or to refrain from…

These consequences, in my judgment, involve the lives of thousands of my fellow-citizens, and the happiness of all the loyal people of all the border slaveholding States.

I cannot conceive of the United States governing colonies and provinces containing millions upon millions of people, black and white.

Our national character has suffered from such conduct, while important commercial relations with these countries have continued without the customary support of treaties or the active protection afforded by the presence of an honored…

I can draw no distinction between the resolutions of the Senator from Massachusetts and the doctrines that are proclaimed by Jefferson Davis.… The doctrine of the Senator from Massachusetts is substantially an acknowledgment of the right…

I mean no discourtesy, when I say the ideas advanced by him that night, rejected then by a majority of four to one, rule the Senate now.

Believing that he is in the right,--I concede that belief to him as a Senator,--his place in this body and before this country to-day is a very proud one.

He was told somewhat sneeringly, two years ago, that among his party friends he stood alone; and to-day they all stand upon his position.

It is to be hoped that disloyalty will not become more general by reason of threats of conquest, or by propositions that the United States shall become administrator de bonis non of the seceding States.

The slave-owners, by their rebellion, have unquestionably forfeited their right under the Federal Constitution to be protected in their slave property, or, as to that matter, in any other species of property.

Slavery exists in any country only by municipal law,--in no country by the jus gentium.

The Rebellion, in a word, kills the whole State and everything dependent on it.

Whether the State be revived and permitted to return to the Union depends entirely on the good pleasure of the Federal authority.

He proposes to consider the Rebel States as simple Territories, which necessarily after victory will return one after another to their vitality.

Here was a plan of Reconstruction without Slavery, and this was a wide-spread longing of hearts.

There is no question about the fact that Slavery in the Rebel States has ceased to exist, within the meaning and under the protection of the Constitution.

Let us at all hazards prevent the extension of Slavery and the increase of the Slave Power.