I would secure for our private marine the amplest opportunity, that it may continue without interruption to plough every sea with its keels, and that, wherever it appears, it may find its accustomed welcome.

But to my mind it is clear to demonstration that the measure proposed is not practical in character, that it promises no result which cannot be reached better in another way, while it is almost sure to bring upon the country additional…

It may be bold, but I am sure it is not prudent, nor is there in it economy of any kind.

So far as the bill promises substantial help in putting down the Rebellion without more than countervailing mischief, it may properly be entertained.

And where is the policy or necessity on which it is founded?

If Senators think that the bill can do any good now, I am sure they listen to their hopes rather than to the evidence.

Pirate ships they have, equipped in England, armed to the teeth, and unleashed upon the sea to prey upon us; but there is not a single bottom of theirs that can afford the booty which is the pay and incentive of the privateer.

But, while I see no probable good from launching privateers upon the ocean to cruise against a commerce that does not exist, and to be paid by a booty that cannot be found, I see certain evils which I am anxious to avoid for the sake of my…

It is well known, that, according to ancient usage and the Law of Nations, every privateer is entitled to belligerent rights, one of which is that most difficult, delicate, and dangerous right, the much disputed Right of Search.

There is no Right of War with regard to which nations are more sensitive,--and no nation has been more sensitive than our own, while none has suffered more from its exercise.

By virtue of this right, every licensed sea-rover is entitled on the ocean to stop and overhaul all merchant vessels under whatever flag.

If he cannot make prize, he can at least make trouble, and leave behind a sting.

Justly sensitive with regard to our own rights, let us respect the sensibility of others.

Rights, when exercised out of season or imprudently, may be changed into wrongs.

Our right may be clear; but, if its exercise would injure or annoy others, especially without corresponding advantage to ourselves, we shall do well, if we forbear to exercise it.

Contention, irritation, humiliation ensue, all calculated to engender ill-feeling, which, beginning with individuals, may embrace country and government.

The speaking-trumpet of a reckless privateer may contribute to that discord which is the herald of bloodshed itself.

Mark the language, “whenever war exists.” I am not ready to say that these words give the President power to declare the existence of war without the intervention of Congress; but I object to the whole clause on account of its generality.

I will not say that any such general, prospective provision, although clearly a departure from that traditional policy which the Senator professes to uphold, is positively unconstitutional; but I am sure that it is contrary to the spirit…

To me it seems obvious that the Constitution contemplated the special action of Congress on every occasion for the exercise of this power.

And Congress, which was empowered to declare war, had the further power, in the same way and with similar solemnities, to give the war this additional feature, if, under the circumstances, it thought best.

This great power was not handed over indefinitely to the President, to be wielded at will, but was lodged in Congress.

If Congress is not insensible to the spirit of the Constitution, it will never hand it over to the President, as now proposed.

Obviously recognizing this principle, which is so entirely consistent with reason and that wisdom which is the strength of nations, our country thus far in its history has declined to pass any general prospective law authorizing letters of…

Let us at all hazards prevent the extension of Slavery and the increase of the Slave Power.