A measure may in itself be just or expedient; but if it would be a present burden, if it would add to our embarrassments and troubles, and especially if it would aggravate our military condition, then, whatever may be its merits, I am…

If I bring these resolutions to this touchstone, they fail.

They may be right or wrong in fact and principle, but their influence at this moment, if adopted, must be most prejudicial to the cause of the Union.

Assuming the tone of friendship to Mexico, they practically give to the Rebellion a most powerful ally, for they openly challenge war with France.

I do not question the motives of the Senator, but it would be difficult to conceive anything more calculated to aid and comfort the Rebellion, just in proportion to its adoption.

The present war is surely enough, without adding war with France.

It is sufficient that the policy of the Senator from California, without any certainty of good to Mexico, must excite the hostility of France, and give to the Rebellion armies and fleets, not to mention that recognition and foreign…

If Senators are sensitive, when they see European monarchies again setting foot on this hemisphere,--entering Mexico with their armies, entering New Grenada with their influence, and occupying the ancient San Domingo,--let them consider…

Let the Rebellion be overcome, and this whole continent will fall naturally, peacefully, and tranquilly under the irresistible influence of American institutions.

If you ask for authority under the Constitution, I cannot doubt that it is in the War Power.

It is in the power to suppress this insurrection, to put down this rebellion.

But most strangely do you seek to put down this rebellion by the abolition of Slavery twenty years, or even ten years, from now.

History, reason, and common sense are uniform in this requirement, and I challenge contradiction to their concurring testimony.

It can vote millions for almost any purpose; but still I doubt if the Senator from Missouri would urge Congress, at this moment, to appropriate millions, unless he expected in this way to do something very positive against the Rebellion.

Is there any Senator who will toss twenty or ten millions of money to any State, unless he is satisfied that by doing so he can help put an end to the Rebellion?

Therefore do I insist on the single question, How shall we most surely help put an end to the Rebellion?

If this can be best accomplished by immediate Emancipation, then must we vote accordingly.

I wish the measure to be effective for the object proposed, and, as I do not believe it can be effective, unless immediate, I must vote accordingly.

Here he remarked, that he did not understand a war measure which was to go into effect ten years from now,--that he did not understand a gradual war measure,--that it was an absurdity in terms, and utterly indefensible.

In justice to myself and to the great question, I cannot be silent.

I have already voted to give Missouri twenty million dollars to secure freedom at once for her slaves, and to make her at once a Free State.

I am ready to vote more, if more be needed for this good purpose; but I will not vote money to be sunk and lost in an uncertain scheme of Prospective Emancipation, where Freedom is a jack-o’-lantern, and the only certainty is the…

For money paid down, Freedom must be delivered.

Now Emancipation is an accepted watchword, while Slavery is openly denounced as a guilty thing worthy of death.

Let us at all hazards prevent the extension of Slavery and the increase of the Slave Power.