At the famous massacre, when the first blood of the Revolution reddened the ice-clad pavements of Boston, Crispus Attucks, an African, once a slave, was among the victims.

At Bunker Hill, where our homely troops first stood against British valor, Peter Salem, also an African once a slave, was conspicuous for courage, to the cost of the royal officer who scaled the rampart, so that History names him with…

So long as that picture endures, so long as that historic battle haunts the memory, you cannot forget the African fellow-soldier of Prescott and Warren.

On the 4th of July of the present year, in a personal interview with the President, I said: “You need more men, not only at the North, but at the South, in the rear of the Rebels: you need the slaves.

Say the word, and you can give to our armies this invaluable alliance,--you can change the rear-guard of the Rebellion into the advance-guard of the Union.

You can make this day more sacred and more historic, and do for it better than the Continental Congress.” Had Emancipation been spoken at that time, I cannot doubt that the salvation of our country would have begun thus earlier.

And such a blast the President has now blown.

But it is said that all appeal to slaves is unconstitutional; and it is openly assumed that rebels making war on the Constitution are not, like other public enemies, beyond its protection.

Why this peculiar tenderness, whenever Slavery is in question?

Battalions may be shot down, and property taken without due process of law, but Slavery must not be touched.

According to certain authorities, the Constitution is all for Slavery and nothing for Freedom.

I have no such scales, where Freedom is in question, nor do I hesitate to say that in a case of Freedom all such nicety is unconstitutional.

There is no blow the President can strike, there is nothing he can do against the Rebellion, that is not constitutional.

Slavery should be struck to save precious blood.

The life of a single patriot is worth more than all Slavery; ay, more, it has stronger securities in the Constitution.

And by employing them, you cannot devise a means more effectual to distress your foes, not only by depriving them of their property, but by depriving them of their labor.

These examples, with all this testimony, vindicate our Proclamation.

Here is distinct recognition of danger from black soldiers, if employed against us.

Of this be assured: the opponents of this appeal are not anxious because it will fail; only because it may be successful do they oppose it.

They fear it will reach the slaves, rather than not reach them.

When the mill-gates are lifted, all the water above, in its most distant sources, starts on its way; and so will the slaves.

Remote kingdoms trembled at the Pope’s excommunication and interdict, and an elegant historian has described the thunders of the Vatican intermingling with the thunders of war.

Christendom shook when Luther nailed his theses on the church-door of Wittenberg.

An appeal to our slaves will be hardly less prevailing.

Let us at all hazards prevent the extension of Slavery and the increase of the Slave Power.