If I accumulate instances, it is because the certainty of retribution for wrong, and especially for the great wrong of War, is a lesson of the present duel to be impressed.

Dismemberment on this account would be only another form of retaliation; but retaliation is barbarous.

Give up the Standing Army and this considerable sum disappears from the annual budget.

Is it too much to expect that this surpassing waste shall be stopped?

Nothing more important to the honor of the Republic has occurred for long years.

Can you send out a commission under such circumstances without making yourself a party to the transaction?

I call it “impossible.” It is unfounded in the Law of Nations.

This I state, Sir, on my conscience, as my solemn judgment at the time, and my motive of conduct.

Instead of being against inquiry, I am for it, and in that way which will be most effective.

I cannot see the humble crushed without my best endeavor against the wrong.

Now charity knows no distinction of persons, knows no distinction of nations; especially does it know no distinction of friends.

Its prevalence with us is only another illustration of the power of Slavery.

The Republic was stung to the quick, and, when the treaty became known, did not conceal its indignant anger.

This distinction seems to have been unnecessary, for the French spoliations were clearly as much in contravention of the Law of Nations as of the treaties.

There was joy at the birth of these treaties, and joy also at their death.

A waiver of national duty, especially where made for the national benefit, must entail national obligation.

And it is equally clear that the French plenipotentiaries to the last maintained the obligations of the treaties.

Many, as they read the Constitution now, see its powers over Slavery more clearly than before.

But no American need be at loss to designate some of the distinctive elements of a republic, according to the idea of American institutions.

The Constitution should become a living letter under the predominant influence of Freedom.

If, in abolishing Slavery, injury were done to the just interests of any human being, or to rights of any kind, there might be something to “give us pause,” even against these irresistible requirements.

Then can we look with confidence to Almighty God for His blessing upon our arms.

Our fathers, under Washington, never paid the Algerines for our enslaved fellow-citizens, except as ransom; and they ceased all such tribute, when emancipation could be had without it.

The time has come for the old tocsin to sound, “Millions for defence, not a cent for tribute!” Ay, Sir; millions of dollars--with millions of strong arms also--for defence against Slave-Masters; but not a cent for tribute to Slave-Masters.

Let us at all hazards prevent the extension of Slavery and the increase of the Slave Power.