Thus seven times, at seven different stages in our history, since the adoption of the Constitution, has this menace of disunion been made to play its part.

Whatever it might have been at first, it is now nothing more than “second childishness and mere oblivion, sans everything.” There is nothing in it which should not be treated with indignant contempt, certainly when employed here in…

Absurd on the face, its absurdity is fully appreciated only when we consider its impotence as a remedy for the alleged grievances of the Slave States.

They complain that fugitive slaves are not faithfully surrendered,--or, in other words, that some score or two of human beings, following the North Star, with the assistance of Northern men, succeed in securing their freedom.

The Slave-Masters complain, that, by the prohibition of Slavery in the Territories, they are deprived of the opportunity of new Slave States through which their predominance in the Senate may be continued.

But, pray, what remedy for this loss can be found in disunion?

Surely they cannot add to their present political strength by renouncing securities and dignities which they now enjoy in the national copartnership.

Such are the two grievances which are to justify disunion; and pardon me, if I venture to illustrate the irrational character of this remedy by an incident of scientific interest.

He sees what he is doing, but does not see the consequence,--that down he will fall.” And the Slave States also bite the rope by which they are suspended, and, like the unreasoning brute, see not the consequence.

Yet more apparent is the absurdity of this threat, when we consider how it is to be accomplished.

Whatever the threats of disorganizing extremists, the large mass of people even in the Slave States do not desire disunion.

They keep aloof now from such threats, and openly declare their purpose to put down the traitors without assistance from the North; and this I cannot doubt would be done.

But the absurdity of this threat glares upon us still more, when we reflect on the unhappy condition in which disunion would leave the seceding Slave States.

But in the event of disunion this condition would become permanent, so that life, if not a tragedy, would be a penance long drawn out.

Even the soil, now so productive, would refuse its increase; for Nature herself would cease to smile amidst the alarms of servile war.

Thus cruelly harassed and impoverished at home, the Slave States could find little comfort abroad.

For a brief moment they might brave the scorn and contempt poured upon them; but they must fail to have the sensibilities of men, or they would at last shrink before the finger-point of the civilized world.

Such would be the doom of a State which set at defiance the laws of Humanity.

I know not how the tale would end, but I know well that Slavery could not gain.

Such is Disunion, in the history of its threats,--also in the reasons now alleged for it, the difficulties in its way, and its dismal consequences.

But in all these aspects, from the beginning, we find but one supreme absurdity.

And yet you and I here in Massachusetts are summoned, under threats of disunion, to withdraw opposition to the extension of Slavery, and in token thereof to vote for Bell, or Breckinridge, or Douglas.

I can do no such thing; nor do I see how any Northern man, with a head on his shoulders, or a heart in his bosom, or a backbone in his body, can do any such thing.

Nor must fealty to the Union be measured by loud-mouthed profession.

Let us at all hazards prevent the extension of Slavery and the increase of the Slave Power.