This cannot be purposely done, without departing from fundamental principles, and overthrowing the presiding doctrine of personal equality.

Cities are but congregations of men; and men exert influence in various ways,--by the accident of position, the accident of intelligence, the accident of property, the accident of birth, and, lastly, by the vote.

It is the vote only which is not an accident; and it should be the boast of Massachusetts, that all men, whatever their accidents, are equal in their votes.

The idea of property as a check upon numbers, which on a former occasion found such favor in this hall, is now rejected in the adjustment of our representative System.

And, Sir, I venture to predict that the proposition, newly broached in this Commonwealth, to restrain the cities by curtailment of their just representative power, will hereafter be as little regarded.

I cannot doubt that the District System, as it is generally called, whereby the representative power will be distributed in just proportion, according to the Rule of Three, among the voters of the Commonwealth, is the true system, destined…

You will observe that we have resolved that representation ought to be founded on the principle of Equality; but it cannot be understood thereby that each town in the Commonwealth shall have weight and importance in a just proportion to…

I have lived long enough to know, that, in any question of government, something is to be yielded up on all sides.

Conciliation and compromise lie at the origin of every free government; and the question never was and never can be, what is absolutely best, but what is relatively wise, just, and expedient.

A division of the State into districts would be a change, in conformity with abstract principles, which would interfere with existing opinions, habitudes, and prejudices of the towns, all of which must be respected.

A change so important in character cannot be advantageously made, unless supported by the permanent feelings and convictions of the people.

Institutions are formed from within, not from without.

They spring from custom and popular faith, silently operating with internal power, not from the imposed will of a lawgiver.

No lawgiver or statesman can disregard either history or abstract reason.

He will faithfully study the Past, and will recognize its treasures and traditions; but, with equal fidelity, he will set his face towards the Future, where all institutions will at last be in harmony with truth.

I have been encouraged to believe in the practicability of the District System by its conformity with reason, and by seeing how naturally it went into operation under the Constitution of the United States.

We must act in the Present, but be mindful also of the Future.

There are proper occasions for compromise, as most certainly there are rights beyond compromise.

There are two proposed improvements which I hail with satisfaction: one relates to the small towns, and the other to the cities.

The small towns will have a more constant representation; and this of itself is an approach to the true principle of representation, which should be constant as well as equal.

The cities will be divided into districts, and this I regard of twofold importance: first, as the beginning of a true system; and, secondly, as reducing the power which the cities, by the large number of their representatives, chosen by…

In all political contests, it is like the well-knit Macedonian phalanx, or the iron front of the Roman legion, in comparison with the disconnected individual warriors against whom they were engaged.

This abuse will be removed; and here is the beginning, I had almost said the inauguration, of a true electoral equality in our Commonwealth.

But the question is not now between the District System, which I covet so much for Massachusetts, and the proposed amendments, but between these amendments and the existing system.

Let us at all hazards prevent the extension of Slavery and the increase of the Slave Power.