Now, in constructing a protection to the sailor, it does not seem prudent to make his wages dependent upon any such quarter.

Indeed, it is hardly just to take from him the right to establish his claim before the Admiralty Court, merely because an interested master refuses a certificate, when, perhaps, plenary proof might be furnished aliunde.

Moreover, if the question were put in control of the master, he might obtain an improper influence over the minds of the crew, inducing them even to sacrifice truth in the event of litigation between owners and underwriters.

There can be no harm in leaving the question of fact to be proved by competent witnesses, like every other question of fact: and the seamen should be competent witnesses for each other.

It is equally true, that, unless we adopt the measure now proposed, Great Britain will have the advantage of us in the rate of seamen's wages; for, under her existing laws, the seaman can afford to work cheaper on board a British ship than…

The measure now proposed is of direct importance to the hundred and fifty thousand seamen constituting the mercantile marine of the United States.

It also concerns the million of men constituting the mercantile marine of the civilized world, any of whom, in the vicissitudes of the sea, may find themselves in American bottoms.

I commend it as a measure of enlightened philanthropy, and also of simple justice.

My instincts were ever against it, and, from the time when, while yet a student of law, I read the classical report to the Legislature of Louisiana, by that illustrious jurist, Edward Livingston, I have been constantly glad to find my…

Nothing of argument or experience since has in any respect shaken the original and perpetual repugnance with which I have regarded it.

Punishment is justly inflicted by human power, with a twofold purpose: first, for the protection of society, and, secondly, for the reformation of the offender.

Now it seems to me clear, that, in our age and country, the taking of human life is not necessary to the protection of society, while it reduces the period of reformation to a narrow, fleeting span.

If not necessary, it cannot come within the province of self-defence, and is unjustifiable.

But rack, thumbscrew, wheel, iron crown, bed of steel, and every instrument of barbarous torture, now rejected with horror, were once upheld by the same spirit of vengeance, the same timidity, and the same tradition of another age.

I trust that the time is at hand, when Massachusetts, turning from the vindictive gallows, will provide a comprehensive system of punishment, which by just penalties and privations shall deter from guilt, and by just benevolence and care…

Then, and not till then, will our beloved Commonwealth imitate the Divine Justice, which "desireth not the death of a sinner, but rather that he may turn from his wickedness and live.

Slavery is pressing again for its accustomed victory, which I undertake again for the moment to arrest.

It is hardly an accidental conjunction which constantly brings Slavery and midnight together.

Like Juggernaut, the bill is driven over prostrate victims.

Bad as Slavery is, it is not so bad as hunting slaves.

But the bill before you is to aid in the chase of slaves.

Not from slave soil, but from free soil, comes this effort.

A Senator from the North, a Senator from New England, lends himself to the work, and with unnatural zeal helps to bind still stronger the fetter of the slave.

I am glad the Senator from Texas asks the question, for it brings attention at once to the true character of this bill.

Let us at all hazards prevent the extension of Slavery and the increase of the Slave Power.