Political Quotes

Charles Sumner

The Public Record

Charles Sumner was an American lawyer and statesman who represented Massachusetts in the United States Senate from 1851 until his death in 1874. Before and during the American Civil War, he was a leading American advocate for the abolition of slavery, and after the war he was a key figure in the Reconstruction era, during which he and other Radical Republicans successfully fought to end slavery and ensure basic rights for Black Americans. He continued advocating for racial equality until his death, lobbying in his final days for a civil rights bill that served as a model for the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Historians credit Sumner with coining the phrase "equality before the law," which he first used as part of an early attempt to integrate Boston's public school system.

Regarding the Act of Congress usually known as the Fugitive Slave Act as unconstitutional, while it is justly condemned by the moral sense of the communities where it is sought to be enforced, the undersigned are not disposed to recognize…

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And yet, in the very teeth of this recommendation, made by themselves at this very session, the Committee now propose to bestow a bounty upon such services.

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If the Committee were right in their former report, they cannot be right now.

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The proposed bill will be an apt precedent for bounty in this large class of cases; and it may properly be opposed by all who are not ready for a new batch of claimants.

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The marshal of the district is openly charged with making the arrest of the alleged fugitive under the fraudulent pretence that he was a criminal,--a scandalous device, which no honest man can regard without reprobation.

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The mayor of Boston is also openly charged with violation of the primal principles of free institutions and of the law of the land, in surrendering the city for the time being into the possession of a military force, and thus establishing…

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He early saw the beauty of Liberty, and in those struggles which preceded the Revolution gave his eloquent tongue to her support.

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I cheerfully submit myself to every odious name for conscience' sake.

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Attempts by John Quincy Adams to present petitions were thwarted in every way that vindictive rage could prompt.

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Propositions for the repeal of obnoxious laws sustaining Slavery were stifled.

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This simple measure, demanded by obvious justice, was at once embarrassed by an incongruous proposition for the support of Slavery.

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I think, therefore, as this may become a precedent in future in regard to other matters, that it should be settled with some degree of deliberation.

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Sumner had two objects,--first, to vindicate the necessity of the Republican party, and, secondly, to destroy the operation of the Fugitive Slave Act in Massachusetts, showing especially that citizens are not constrained to its support.

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I think, in spite of strong opposition from the Whig presses and fuglemen, who cannot bear to give up their factitious powers and influence, that there is a great popular movement commenced, which may, under proper cultivation, disclose a…

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One is the repeal of the Prohibition of Slavery in the vast Missouri Territory, now known as Kansas and Nebraska, contrary to time-honored compact and plighted faith.

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It is characteristic of the Slave Power not to stick at the means supposed needful in carrying forward its plans; but never, on any occasion, were its assumptions so barefaced and tyrannical as in the passage of the Nebraska Bill.

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This bill was precipitated upon Congress without one word of public recommendation from the President, without notice or discussion in any newspaper, and without a single petition from the people.

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If it had been allowed to go over to another Congress, when the people might be heard, it would have failed, forever failed.

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These things in themselves are bad, very bad; but they are worse, when regarded as natural offspring of the Oligarchy now swaying the country.

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And it is this Oligarchy which, at every political hazard, we must oppose, until it is overthrown.

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Not only would Freedom become national and Slavery sectional, as was intended by our fathers, but the National Government would become the mighty instrument and herald of Freedom, as it is now the mighty instrument and herald of Slavery.

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Its powers, its treasury, its patronage, would all be turned, in harmony with the Constitution, to promote Freedom.

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The Committees of Congress, where Slavery now rules,--Congress itself, and the Cabinet also,--would all be organized for Freedom.

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The existence of Slavery anywhere within the national jurisdiction, in the Territories, in the District of Columbia, or on the high seas beneath the national flag, is an unconstitutional usurpation, which must be opposed.

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Let us at all hazards prevent the extension of Slavery and the increase of the Slave Power.

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Politicians like Charles Sumner