Abraham Lincoln

And, in spite of this, Freedom's share is about to be taken by violence--by the force of misrepresentative votes, not called for by the popular will.

But they did not agree to introduce slavery in regions where it did not previously exist.

We grant a fugitive slave law because it is so "nominated in the bond;" because our fathers so stipulated--had to--and we are bound to carry out this agreement.

We allow slavery to exist in the slave States--not because slavery is right or good, but from the necessities of our Union.

In the Somerset case, decided nearly a century ago, the great Lord Mansfield held that slavery was of such a nature that it must take its rise in positive (as distinguished from natural) law; and that in no country or age could it be…

Can any man doubt that, even in spite of the people's will, slavery will triumph through violence, unless that will be made manifest and enforced?

In the Constitutional Convention, George Mason of Virginia made a more violent abolition speech than my friends Lovejoy or Codding would desire to make here to-day--a speech which could not be safely repeated anywhere on Southern soil in…

Indeed, abolition societies existed as far south as Virginia; and it is a well-known fact that Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Lee, Henry, Mason, and Pendleton were qualified abolitionists, and much more radical on that subject than we of…

In the early days of the Constitution slavery was recognized, by South and North alike, as an evil, and the division of sentiment about it was not controlled by geographical lines or considerations of climate, but by moral and…

We live in the midst of alarms; anxiety beclouds the future; we expect some new disaster with each newspaper we read.

The necessary result was to establish the rule of violence--force, instead of the rule of law and reason; to perpetuate and spread slavery, and, in time, to make it general.

It was a violation of both law and the sacred obligations of honour, to overthrow and trample underfoot a solemn compromise, obtained by the fearful loss to freedom of one of the fairest of our Western domains.

But however much you may argue upon it, or smother it in soft phrases, slavery can only be maintained by force--by violence.

His successor in the leadership has written the word "white" before men, making it read "all white men are created equal." Pray, will or may not the Know-nothings, if they should get in power, add the word "protestant," making it read "all…

Here is where the greatest danger lies--that, while we profess to be a government of law and reason, law will give way to violence on demand of this awful and crushing power.

The masses were against it, but party necessity carried it; and it was passed through the lower house of Congress against the will of the people, for the same reason.

By every principle of law, a negro in Kansas is free; yet the bogus legislature makes it an infamous crime to tell him that he is free!

If we lose Kansas to freedom, an example will be set which will prove fatal to freedom in the end.

But we desire to reach out beyond those personal outrages and establish a rule that will apply to all, and so prevent any future outrages.

We know that great political and moral wrongs are done, and outrages committed, and we denounce those wrongs and outrages, although we cannot, at present, do much more.

We are here to stand firmly for a principle--to stand firmly for a right.

We have higher aims; we will have more serious business than to dally with temporary measures.

We must not be led by excitement and passion to do that which our sober judgments would not approve in our cooler moments.

But we must not promise what we ought not, lest we be called on to perform what we cannot; we must be calm and moderate, and consider the whole difficulty, and determine what is possible and just.

I think it just to say that all true men North should sympathize with them, and ought to be willing to do any possible and needful thing to right their wrongs.