Political Quotes

Walter Bagehot

The Public Record

Walter Bagehot was an English journalist, businessman, and essayist, who wrote extensively about government, economics, literature and race. He is known for co-founding the National Review in 1855, and for his works The English Constitution and Lombard Street: A Description of the Money Market (1873).

And when the taxes do not yield as they were expected to yield, who is responsible?

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Whom, then, can you punish--whom can you abolish--when your taxes run short?

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There is nobody save the legislature, a vast miscellaneous body difficult to punish, and the very persons to inflict the punishment.

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In England, on a vital occasion, the Cabinet can compel legislation by the threat of resignation, and the threat of dissolution; but neither of these can be used in a Presidential State.

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There the legislature cannot be dissolved by the executive Government; and it does not heed a resignation, for it has not to find the successor.

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Cabinet government educates the nation; the Presidential does not educate it, and may corrupt it.

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The great scene of debate, the great engine of popular instruction and political controversy, is the legislative assembly.

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A speech there by an eminent statesman, a party movement by a great political combination, are the best means yet known for arousing, enlivening, and teaching a people.

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The Cabinet system ensures such debates, for it makes them the means by which statesmen advertise themselves for future and confirm themselves in present Governments.

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Everything which is worth saying, everything which ought to be said, most certainly WILL be said.

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Conscientious men think they ought to persuade others; selfish men think they would like to obtrude themselves.

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The nation is forced to hear two sides--all the sides, perhaps, of that which most concerns it.

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Human nature despises long arguments which come to nothing--heavy speeches which precede no motion--abstract disquisitions which leave visible things where they were.

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It has a hundred ramifications; it runs through society; it gives hope to many, and it takes away hope from many.

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And debates which have this catastrophe at the end of them--or may so have it--are sure to be listened to, and sure to sink deep into the national mind.

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The nation feels that its judgment is important, and it strives to judge.

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It succeeds in deciding because the debates and the discussions give it the facts and the arguments.

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But under a Presidential government, a nation has, except at the electing moment, no influence; it has not the ballot-box before it; its virtue is gone, and it must wait till its instant of despotism again returns.

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There are doubtless debates in the legislature, but they are prologues without a play.

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The prize of power is not in the gift of the legislature, and no one cares for the legislature.

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The executive, the great centre of power and place, sticks irremovable; you cannot change it in any event.

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The teaching apparatus which has educated our public mind, which prepares our resolutions, which shapes our opinions, does not exist.

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It cannot change the administration; the executive was elected for such and such years, and for such and such years it must last.

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People wonder that so literary a people as the Americans--a people who read more than any people who ever lived, who read so many newspapers--should have such bad newspapers.

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The papers are not so good as the English, because they have not the same motive to be good as the English papers.

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Politicians like Walter Bagehot