Political Quotes

Walter Bagehot

The Public Record

Walter Bagehot was an English journalist, businessman, and essayist, who wrote extensively about government, economics, literature and race. He is known for co-founding the National Review in 1855, and for his works The English Constitution and Lombard Street: A Description of the Money Market (1873).

Thus Epicureanism never prospered at Rome, but Stoicism did; the stiff, serious character of the great prevailing nation was attracted by what seemed a confirming creed, and deterred by what looked like a relaxing creed.

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Strong beliefs win strong men, and then make them stronger.

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Such is no doubt one cause why Monotheism tends to prevail over Polytheism; it produces a higher, steadier character, calmed and concentrated by a great single object; it is not confused by competing rites, or distracted by miscellaneous…

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We are dealing with early ages; nation-MAKING is the occupation of man in these ages, and it is war that makes nations.

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Nation-CHANGING comes afterwards, and is mostly effected by peaceful revolution, though even then war, too, plays its part.

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The idea of an indestructible nation is a modern idea; in early ages all nations were destructible, and the further we go back, the more incessant was the work of destruction.

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It belongs to the idea of progress that beginnings can never seem attractive to those who live far on; the price of improvement is, that the unimproved will always look degraded.

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But how far are the strongest nations really the best nations? how far is excellence in war a criterion of other excellence?

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War, as I have said, nourishes the 'preliminary' virtues, and this is almost as much as to say that there are virtues which it does not nourish.

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All which may be called 'grace' as well as virtue it does not nourish; humanity, charity, a nice sense of the rights of others, it certainly does not foster.

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The insensibility to human suffering, which is so striking a fact in the world as it stood when history first reveals it, is doubtless due to the warlike origin of the old civilisation.

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Bred in war, and nursed in war, it could not revolt from the things of war, and one of the principal of these is human pain.

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The non-combatant population is sure to fare ill during the ages of combat.

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But these defects, too, are cured or lessened; women have now marvellous means of winning their way in the world; and mind without muscle has far greater force than muscle without mind.

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But it is very dubious whether the spirit of war does not still colour our morality far too much.

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Metaphors from law and metaphors from war make most of our current moral phrases, and a nice examination would easily explain that both rather vitiate what both often illustrate.

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The military habit makes man think far too much of definite action, and far too little of brooding meditation.

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Life is not a set campaign, but an irregular work, and the main forces in it are not overt resolutions, but latent and half-involuntary promptings.

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The mistake of military ethics is to exaggerate the conception of discipline, and so to present the moral force of the will in a barer form than it ever ought to take.

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Military morals can direct the axe to cut down the tree, but it knows nothing of the quiet force by which the forest grows.

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So long as there was continual fighting there was a likelihood of improvement in martial virtues, and in early times many virtues are really 'martial'--that is, tend to success in war--which in later times we do not think of so calling…

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The love of law, for example, is a virtue which no one now would call martial, yet in early times it disciplined nations, and the disciplined nations won.

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The gift of 'conservative innovation'--the gift of MATCHING new institutions to old--is not nowadays a warlike virtue, yet the Romans owed much of their success to it.

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Alone among ancient nations they had the deference to usage which, combines nations, and the partial permission of selected change which improves nations; and therefore they succeeded.

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Just so in most cases, all through the earliest times, martial merit is a token of real merit: the nation that wins is the nation that ought to win.

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Politicians like Walter Bagehot