The omnipotent though not omniscient divinity called public opinion intervened.

But we have no right to cast on him any responsibility beyond what is strictly military.

What I endeavoured to show was that King George III., without changing his opinion of the justice of his war against the colonies, was obliged to give it up on account of a change of public opinion, and was not open to blame for so doing.

There lay Ireland,—squalid, dismal, sullen, dull, expectant, sunk deep in hostile intent.

I think they will commit a great error if they take this course.

Yet they had certainly no less value and truth than they ever had, and perhaps were more needed than ever in face of the present chaos of opinion.

This is no mere case of barren wrangle and verbal recrimination.

With a few exceptions, a political speech like the manna in the wilderness loses its savour on the second day.

To stint Ireland in power which might be necessary or desirable for the management of matters purely Irish, would be a great error; and if she was so stinted, the end that any such measure might contemplate could not be attained.

What I wish to insist upon is, not that that system was good, but that the statesman who undertook to overthrow it, should have had something to put in its place.

But they were barren of any institutions by which the country could be governed and kept in prosperity for the future.”(166) This is a statement of the case that biographer and historian alike should ponder.

The plan for Ireland ought to be produced by the government of the day.

What I expect is a healthful, slow fermentation in many minds, working towards the final product.

My desire is thoroughly to shake up all the materials of the question.

I for one will have nothing to do with ruining the party if I can avoid it.

But in the actual circumstances I thought it my duty to encourage the government of Lord Salisbury to settle the Irish question, so far as I could do this by promises of my personal support.

If no proposal followed inquiry, the reaction of Irish disappointment would be severe, as it would be natural.

Every consideration of duty and of policy bound him to persevere.

The grim spectre of Coercion as the other alternative wore its most repulsive look in the eyes of men, themselves but newly admitted to full citizenship.

Voice and strength and freedom were granted to me in a degree beyond what I could have hoped.

It may be that my hostility to the rebel party, looking at their conduct since your government was formed six years ago, disables me from taking an impartial view of this great question.

The first is the principle of autonomy, to which I am able to give a hearty assent.

Ireland stands at your bar expectant, hopeful, almost suppliant.

He thought there should be some means of modifying and redressing the grievance of rents being still higher than the people can pay.

I would use my best endeavours to make these States independent in matters of administration.