But, unfortunately, it is the kind of slavery the most easily admitted in times of civil discord: for parties are but too apt to forget their own future safety in their desire of sacrificing their enemies.
Edmund Burke
The Public Record
Edmund Burke was an Anglo-Irish writer, philosopher, and politician who is widely credited as the founder of the cultural and political philosophy of conservatism. Regarded as one of the most influential conservative thinkers and political writers of the 18th century, Burke spent the majority of his career in Great Britain and was elected as a member of Parliament (MP) from 1766 to 1794 in the House of Commons of Great Britain with the Whig Party. His writings played a significant role in influencing public views and opinions in both Great Britain and France following the French Revolution in 1789, and he remains a major figure in modern conservative circles.
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Liberty, if I understand it at all, is a general principle, and the clear right of all the subjects within the realm, or of none.
Happy would it be for us, if, in all tempers, they might turn their eyes to the parent state, so that their very turbulence and sedition should find vent in no other place than this!
I confess, Gentlemen, that this appears to me as bad in the principle, and far worse in its consequence, than an universal suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act; and the limiting qualification, instead of taking out the sting, does in my…
The Company might suffer above, the natives might suffer below; the intermediate party must profit to the prejudice of both.
These they are bound to obey and follow, and rather to enlarge and enlighten law by the liberality of legislative reason than to fetter and bind their higher capacity by the narrow constructions of subordinate, artificial justice.
Thus, by the mediation of those healing principles, (call them good or evil,) troublesome discussions are brought to some sort of adjustment, and every hot controversy is not a civil war.
But legislators ought to do what lawyers cannot; for they have no other rules to bind them but the great principles of reason and equity and the general sense of mankind.
These strange incongruities must ever perplex those who confound the unhappiness of civil dissension with the crime of treason.
If the prisoners who have been exchanged have not by that exchange been virtually pardoned, the cartel (whether avowed or understood) is a cruel fraud; for you have received the life of a man, and you ought to return a life for it, or…
Does anybody seriously maintain, that, charged with my share of the public councils, I am obliged not to resist projects which I think mischievous, lest men who suffer should be encouraged to resist?
God forbid that England should ever read this lesson written in the blood of any of her offspring!
Such executions may, indeed, satiate our revenge; they may harden our hearts, and puff us up with pride and arrogance.
As well might the execution of a fugitive negro in the plantations be considered as a lesson to teach masters humanity to their slaves.
The encouragement is over; the alienation is complete.
If it be, it is surely among such rebellious children that examples for disobedience should be made, to be in any degree instructive: for who ever thought of teaching parents their duty by an example from the punishment of an undutiful son?
Many reasons are alleged by its authors in its favor, grounded on the state of their affairs; none whatever are assigned for the alteration.
They will thank God they have a standard, which, in the most essential point of this great concern, will put them on a par with the most wise and knowing.
Let them but once get us into a war, and then their power is safe, and an act of oblivion passed for all their misconduct.
But the use of character is to be a shield against calumny.
I take it for granted, Gentlemen, that we sympathize in a proper horror of all punishment further than as it serves for an example.
If your peace be nothing more than a sullen pause from arms, if their quiet be nothing but the meditation of revenge, where smitten pride smarting from its wounds festers into new rancor, neither the act of Henry the Eighth nor its…
The good people of England considered Holland as a sort of dependency on this kingdom; they dreaded to drive it to the protection or subject it to the power of France by their own inconsiderate hostility.
If, on the contrary, the colonies are reduced to the obedience of the crown, there must be, under that authority, tribunals in the country itself fully competent to administer justice on all offenders.
I could see no fair, justifiable expedience pleaded to favor this new suspension of the liberty of the subject.
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