The people, once inflamed, will not be destitute of a leader.
Edmund Burke
The Public Record
Edmund Burke was an Anglo-Irish writer, philosopher, and politician who is widely credited as the founder of the cultural and political philosophy of conservatism. Regarded as one of the most influential conservative thinkers and political writers of the 18th century, Burke spent the majority of his career in Great Britain and was elected as a member of Parliament (MP) from 1766 to 1794 in the House of Commons of Great Britain with the Whig Party. His writings played a significant role in influencing public views and opinions in both Great Britain and France following the French Revolution in 1789, and he remains a major figure in modern conservative circles.
One must not judge of the state of France by what has been observed elsewhere.
Analogical reasoning from history or from recent experience in other places is wholly delusive.
In my opinion, there never was seen so strong a government internally as that of the French municipalities.
Their grand object being now, as in his brother's time, at any rate to destroy the higher orders, they think he cannot compass this end, as certainly he cannot, without elevating the lower.
It was derived from one and the same root: namely, that the person of the monarch of France was everything; and the monarchy, and the intermediate orders of the state, by which the monarchy was upheld, were nothing.
If there have been none, the case in future is desperate.
I cannot think that what is done in France is beneficial to the human race.
These theories are long since gone by; they have had their day, and have done their mischief.
The first two are so intimately connected as not to be separated even in thought: the reëstablishment of royalty, and the reëstablishment of property.
Property will be most energetically restored by the ancient proprietors of that kingdom.
In truth, it is not the interfering or keeping aloof, but iniquitous intermeddling, or treacherous inaction, which is praised or blamed by the decision of an equitable judge.
But surely this is to read human nature very ill.
They are of a tame, timid, languid, inert temper, wherever the welfare of others is concerned.
We cannot, if we would, delude ourselves about the true state of this dreadful contest.
If, contrary to all expectations, under such a disgraced and impotent government, any energy should remain in that country, she will make every effort to recover her security, which will involve Europe for a century in war and blood.
A council of mercy ought therefore to be appointed, with powers to report on each case, to soften the penalty, or entirely to remit it, according to circumstances.
As the wisdom of men mates such institutions, the folly of men destroys them.
The reformation of this evil system is in a manner impracticable.
They shake the public security; they menace private enjoyment.
The lion, having sucked the blood of his prey, threw the offal carcass to the jackal in waiting.
We plunge into a dark gulf with all the rash precipitation of fear.
Dead and putrid, it is insufficient to save the state, but potent to infect and to kill.
It shows that there are limits to his ambition or his resentment.
If the vilest of mankind are resolved to be the most wicked, they lose all the baseness of their origin, and take their place above kings.





