A penal law not ordinarily put in execution seems to me to be a very absurd and a very dangerous thing.
Edmund Burke
The Public Record
Edmund Burke was an Anglo-Irish writer, philosopher, and politician who is widely credited as the founder of the cultural and political philosophy of conservatism. Regarded as one of the most influential conservative thinkers and political writers of the 18th century, Burke spent the majority of his career in Great Britain and was elected as a member of Parliament (MP) from 1766 to 1794 in the House of Commons of Great Britain with the Whig Party. His writings played a significant role in influencing public views and opinions in both Great Britain and France following the French Revolution in 1789, and he remains a major figure in modern conservative circles.
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The question, therefore, is, whether in a well-constituted commonwealth, which we desire ours to be thought, and I trust intend that it should be, whether in such a commonwealth it is wise to retain those laws which it is not proper to…
I would have toleration a part of establishment, as a principle favorable to Christianity, and as a part of Christianity.
The moment it began to depart from these principles, it converted the establishment into tyranny; it subverted its foundations from that very hour.
The Christian religion itself arose without establishment,--it arose even without toleration; and whilst its own principles were not tolerated, it conquered all the powers of darkness, it conquered all the powers of the world.
But these very terms become the strongest reasons for my support of the bill: for I am persuaded that toleration, so far from being an attack upon Christianity, becomes the best and surest support that possibly can be given, to it.
What a picture of toleration! what a picture of laws, of establishments! what a picture of religious and civil liberty!
Is it, then, the idea of Christianity itself, that it ought to have establishments, that it ought to have laws against Dissenters, but the breach of which laws is to be connived at?
What, then! are we come to this pass, to suppose that nothing can support Christianity but the principles of persecution?
If the liberty enjoyed be a liberty not of toleration, but of connivance, the only question is, whether establishing such by law is an attack upon Christianity.
What is connivance, but a state under which all slaves live?
Connivance is a relaxation from slavery, not a definition of liberty.
The honorable gentleman thinks that the Dissenters enjoy a large share of liberty under a connivance; and he thinks that the establishing toleration by law is an attack upon Christianity.
I suppress all that is in my mind about the blindness of those of our clergy who will shut their eyes to a thing which glares in such manifest day.
How the enthusiasts of this rising sect rejoice to see you of the old churches play their game, and stir and rake the cinders of animosities sunk in their ashes, in order to keep up the execution of their plan for your common ruin!
Against this new, this growing, this exterminatory system, all these churches have a common concern to defend themselves.
If the present establishment should fall, it is this religion which will triumph in Ireland and in England, as it has triumphed in France.
On the contrary, all these churches are menaced, and menaced alike.
It will not be the Church of Rome nor the Church of Scotland, not the Church of Luther nor the Church of Calvin.
If ever the Church and the Constitution of England should fall in these islands, (and they will fall together,) it is not Presbyterian discipline nor Popish hierarchy that will rise upon their ruins.
The existence of quite another system of opinions and interests is now plain to the grossest sense.
But I imagined that at this time no one was weak enough to believe, or impudent enough to pretend, that questions of Popish and Protestant opinions or interest are the things by which men are at present menaced with crusades by foreign…
These are, indeed, well formed to perplex and torment the intellect, but not half so well calculated to inflame the passions and animosities of men.
It is not amiss to consider this spell of potency, this abracadabra, that is hung about the necks of the unhappy, not to heal, but to communicate disease.
The word Protestant is the charm that looks up in the dungeon of servitude three millions of your people.
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