Russian nationalists have been gaining influence for some time. Not just bombastic extremists like Vladimir Zhirinovsky, but also a large segment of the Russian senior officer corps and foreign policy elite. This includes many who are viewed in the West, not necessarily incorrectly, as democratic reformers. The primary focus of these nationalists is what they call the near abroad: the new countries formed after the breakup of the Soviet Union that have significant Russian minorities. The new Russian military doctrine, which Yeltsin approved after October's violent showdown, seems to display both imperialist designs on Russia's neighbors and deep-seated fears that the West is implacably hostile to Russia. This imperialist threat is more than just a paper doctrine. The Russian military has been putting it into practice. To give you an example, this summer, it set up a protection racket in the caucuses. First, it gave military aid to separatists fighting the Georgia government led by former Soviet Foreign Minister Shevardnadze--whom the Russian military blames for having lost Eastern Europe. Then, after bringing Shevardnadze to the point of defeat, it agreed to save his government in exchange for Georgia joining the Commonwealth of Independent States. This grouping might be more accurately named the Commonwealth of Temporarily Independent States, since many Russians hope to use it as the vehicle to rebuild their empire.
Editor's note · Context
The speaker discusses the rise of Russian nationalism and its implications for foreign policy and military actions.
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