Jerry Nadler

We are laying the groundwork for comprehensive reform of Federal habeas corpus.

We're going to be looking at all the sections of the PATRIOT Act as we look at this.

Saying that we shouldn't change something because Congress did it is never a good argument, because we are always changing something.

I don't think unlimited access is a right. It may be consonant with safety, it may not be.

It is tragic and absolutely unacceptable that it took nine deaths to produce this belated concession on the matter of clear law.

We cannot have such a doctrine and yet also have indefinite detention, because that means detention to the end of time.

I hope you take that back and have it done.

The voluntariness standard, which is a due-process-based standard, is the appropriate standard.

The Administration supports the Senate amendment that would ban statements obtained through cruel, inhuman or degrading interrogation methods.

This seems reasonable and important--in fact, crucial--to assuring a fair process.

We do want it quickly. We are going to be debating the military commissions reform presumably in the context of the conference report on the DOD authorization bill which has now passed both houses.

We will continue to have to intercept and detain individuals who have attacked us or who threaten us.

Today the Subcommittee--and let me, before I do the opening statement, I apologize for everyone here, including the witnesses, for the fact that this is almost 2 hours getting--late getting started, but that was unavoidably, as you know…

The Canadian Parliament voted a 10 million, I think it was, dollar indemnity--for their--part in the injustice done to him

I hope you consider it quickly before the conference convenes, which may be soon.

But we are not a police state. In order to imprison anyone, we must have sufficient evidence to do so.

This debate has been dominated by a great deal of fear-mongering.

We need to be sure that, however we handle these cases, we do not conduct kangaroo courts.

This hearing of the Subcommittee on the Constitution, Civil Rights and Civil Liberties will come to order, with the agreement of the minority.

The question is a majority of total seats or a majority of Members living.

So our current system since the Civil War is unconstitutional.

The Nation runs the risk in a national crisis of those proportions of turning into a dictatorship.

I am especially concerned that a House of Representatives, well short of the majority of its 435 seats, might wield the war power or the power of the purse without legitimacy.

I hope to hear from today's witnesses about some of these important issues.

If we knowingly fail to act, or if we act by passing symbolic but ineffective and unconstitutional measures, we will have left the nation in peril and failed in our responsibilities.