Political Quotes

Walter Bagehot

The Public Record

Walter Bagehot was an English journalist, businessman, and essayist, who wrote extensively about government, economics, literature and race. He is known for co-founding the National Review in 1855, and for his works The English Constitution and Lombard Street: A Description of the Money Market (1873).

As in the Scriptural phrase, doing what is of evil omen is 'like one that letteth out water.' He cannot tell what are the consequences of his act, who will share them, or how they can be prevented.

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If a tribe or a nation have, by a contagious fancy, come to believe that the doing of any one thing by any number will be 'unlucky,' that is, will bring an intense and vast liability on them all, then that tribe and that nation will…

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On the contrary, being the one person essential to all parties, he selects Ministers from all parties, he constructs a Cabinet in which no one Minister agrees with any other in anything, and with all the members of which he himself…

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Ordinarily a Parliamentary Premier cannot choose; he is brought in by a party; he is maintained in office by a party; and that party requires that as they aid him, he shall aid them; that as they give him the very best thing in the State…

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For these reasons, though we may use the present Constitution of France as a useful aid to our imaginations, in conceiving of a purely Parliamentary Republic, of a monarchy minus the monarch, we must not think of it as much more.

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My great object was to contrast the office of President as an executive officer and to compare it with that of a Prime Minister; and I devoted much space to showing that in one principal respect the English system is by far the best.

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The English Premier being appointed by the selection, and being removable at the pleasure, of the preponderant Legislative Assembly, is sure to be able to rely on that Assembly.

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If he wants legislation to aid his policy he can obtain that legislation; he can carry out that policy.

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But the American President has no similar security.

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He is elected in one way, at one time, and Congress (no matter which House) is elected in another way, at another time.

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The two have nothing to bind them together, and in matter of fact, they continually disagree.

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The President and the Assembly, so far from being (as it is essential to good government that they should be) on terms of close union, were not on terms of common courtesy.

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So far from being capable of a continuous and concerted co-operation they were all the while trying to thwart one another.

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He had one plan for the pacification of the South and they another; they would have nothing to say to his plans, and he vetoed their plans as long as the Constitution permitted, and when they were, in spite of him, carried, he, as far as…

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The quarrel in most countries would have gone beyond the law, and come to blows; even in America, the most law-loving of countries, it went as far as possible within the law.

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Nothing could be so conclusive against the American Constitution, as a Constitution, as that incident.

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The legislature was so afraid of the President's legal power that it unfairly accused him of acting beyond the law.

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And the blame thus cast on the American Constitution is so much praise to be given to the American political character.

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Few nations, perhaps scarcely any nation, could have borne such a trial so easily and so perfectly.

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This was the most striking instance of disunion between the President and the Congress that has ever yet occurred, and which probably will ever occur.

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The distinguishing quality of Parliamentary government is, that in each stage of a public transaction there is a discussion; that the public assist at this discussion; that it can, through Parliament, turn out an administration which is…

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In truth taxation is so painful that in a sensitive community which has strong organs of expression and action, the maintenance of a great surplus is excessively difficult.

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To maintain a great surplus by heavy taxes to pay off debt has never yet in this country been possible, and to maintain a surplus of the American magnitude would be plainly impossible.

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America is not a country sensitive to taxes; no great country has perhaps ever been so unsensitive in this respect; certainly she is far less sensitive than England.

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In reality America is too rich; daily industry there is too common, too skilful, and too productive, for her to care much for fiscal burdens.

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Politicians like Walter Bagehot