Historical voices

But it is only by acting in union, that the usurpations of foreign nations on the freedom of trade can be counteracted, and security extended to the commerce of America.

America is now sovereign and independent, and ought to conduct her affairs in a regular style of character.

An illicit trade, under any shape it can be placed, cannot be carried on without a violation of truth.

But this would be a practice too debasing for a sovereign people to stoop to, and too profligate not to be discountenanced.

United, she is formidable, and that with the least possible charge a nation can be so; separated, she is a medley of individual nothings, subject to the sport of foreign nations.

But this, perhaps, will ever be the case, till some misfortune awakens us into reason, and the instance now before us is but a gentle beginning of what America must expect, unless she guards her union with nicer care and stricter honor.

What is this more or less than to tell us, that while we have no national system of commerce, the British will govern our trade by their own laws and proclamations as they please.

But the ground of security which Lord Sheffield has chosen to erect his policy upon, is of a nature which ought, and I think must, awaken in every American a just and strong sense of national dignity.

America would be equally as foolish as Britain, were she to suffer so great a degradation on her flag, and such a stroke on the freedom of her commerce, to pass without a balance.

It was the cause of America that made me an author.

Our great title is AMERICANS--our inferior one varies with the place.

By the latter we are known at home, by the former to the world.

Our citizenship in the United States is our national character.

It is the most sacred thing in the constitution of America, and that which every man should be most proud and tender of.

In this view of things we gain by what we give, and draw an annual interest greater than the capital.--I ever feel myself hurt when I hear the union, that great palladium of our liberty and safety, the least irreverently spoken of.

It is with confederated states as with individuals in society; something must be yielded up to make the whole secure.

Sovereignty must have power to protect all the parts that compose and constitute it: and as UNITED STATES we are equal to the importance of the title, but otherwise we are not.

Individuals, or individual states, may call themselves what they please; but the world, and especially the world of enemies, is not to be held in awe by the whistling of a name.

In short, we have no other national sovereignty than as United States.

All our treaties, whether of alliance, peace, or commerce, are formed under the sovereignty of the United States, and Europe knows us by no other name or title.

But that which must more forcibly strike a thoughtful, penetrating mind, and which includes and renders easy all inferior concerns, is the UNION OF THE STATES.

Character is much easier kept than recovered, and that man, if any such there be, who, from sinister views, or littleness of soul, lends unseen his hand to injure it, contrives a wound it will never be in his power to heal.

It is not in numbers, but in a union, that our great strength lies.

Yet let but a nation conceive rightly of its character, and it will be chastely just in protecting it.