Historical voices

One party insists that too much protection oppresses one class for the advantage of another; while the other party argues that, with all its incidents, in the long run all classes are benefited.

Let the people on both sides keep their self-possession, and just as other clouds have cleared away in due time, so will this great nation continue to prosper as heretofore.

If the great American people only keep their temper on both sides of the line, the troubles will come to an end, and the question which now distracts the country will be settled, just as surely as all other difficulties of a like character…

When I do speak, I hope I may say nothing in opposition to the spirit of the Constitution, contrary to the integrity of the Union, or which will prove inimical to the liberties of the people or to the peace of the whole country.

I turn then, and look to the great American people, and to that God who has never forsaken them.

What mysterious right to play tyrant is conferred on a district of country, with its people, by merely calling it a State?

On what rightful principle may a State, being not more than one-fiftieth part of the nation in soil and population, break up the nation, and then coerce a proportionally larger subdivision of itself in the most arbitrary way?

I speak of that assumed primary right of a State to rule all which is less than itself, and ruin all which is larger than itself.

In their view, the Union as a family relation would seem to be no regular marriage, but a sort of free-love arrangement to be maintained only on passional attraction.

Let us get exact definitions of these words, not from dictionaries, but from the men themselves, who certainly deprecate the things they would represent by the use of words.

Solomon says "there is a time to keep silence," and when men wrangle by the mouth with no certainty that they mean the same thing while using the same word, it perhaps were as well if they would keep silence.

Trusting in Him, who can go with me and remain with you, and be everywhere for good, let us confidently hope that all will yet be well.

I now leave, not knowing when or whether ever I may return, with a task before me greater than that which rested upon Washington.

Neither let us be slandered from our duty by false accusations against us, nor frightened from it by menaces of destruction to the government, nor of dungeons to ourselves.

If our sense of duty forbids this, then let us stand by our duty fearlessly and effectively.

Wrong as we think slavery is, we can yet afford to let it alone where it is, because that much is due to the necessity arising from its actual presence in the nation; but can we, while our votes will prevent it, allow it to spread into the…

A highwayman holds a pistol to my ear, and mutters through his teeth, "Stand and deliver, or I shall kill you, and then you will be a murderer!

But you will not abide the election of a Republican President!

An inspection of the Constitution will show that the right of property in a slave is not "distinctly and expressly affirmed" in it.

We, on the contrary, deny that such a right has any existence in the Constitution, even by implication.

But you will break up the Union rather than submit to a denial of your constitutional rights.

You can scarcely scatter and disperse an army which has been formed into order in the face of your heaviest fire; but if you could, how much would you gain by forcing the sentiment which created it out of the peaceful channel of the…

You cannot destroy that judgment and feeling--that sentiment--by breaking up the political organization which rallies around it.

There is a judgment and a feeling against slavery in this nation, which cast at least a million and a half of votes.