I was a tariff revisionist and thought that the time had come for a readjustment of the schedules.

I pointed out the difficulty that there always was in a revision of the tariff, due to the threatened disturbance of industries to be affected and the suspension of business.

There is not the slightest doubt that if labor had remained unorganized, wages would be very much lower.

I had to ask them all to make personal sacrifices in the matter of compensation.

There is a higher standard of living among American laborers than in any country in the world.

I do not think trades-unionism was greatly aided by the attempt to drag all organized labor into politics.

I think it is a wise course for laborers to unite to defend their interests.

I can not sympathize with this element in the slightest degree.

It is quite apparent from the statements of Mr. Vreeland, who is now the head of the committee on banking and currency in the House of Representatives, and from the conversations of Mr. Aldrich, who is the chairman of the monetary commission and of the finance committee of the Senate, that the trend of the minds of the monetary commission is toward some sort of arrangement for a central bank of issue which shall control the reserve and exercise a power to meet and control the casual stringency which from time to time will come in the circulating medium of the country and the world.

Nothing revolutionary, nothing disturbing to legitimate business is needed; but we must set the marks clear in the statute by which the lines can be drawn and the proper legitimate paths be laid down upon which all business shall proceed, and must have it understood by means of prompt prosecution and punishment that the law is for all and is to be enforced even against the most powerful.

This is the second week of September. We are all ending our vacations and going home.