On the recordDecember 18, 1997
Well, let me--I don't think I was clear about that. What I mean is the willingness of the political parties or, whether they're willing or not, our capacity to stop them from, in effect, perverting the state-run media and using them as an instrument of violence and suppression. I don't think it's necessary for us to stay until everybody wants to go have tea together at 4 o'clock in the afternoon in a civil environment. I think it's--I do think that there are--and again let me say, we will make public a final set of benchmarks before we go forward with this, and our allies have to work on this. I'm just telling you what my thoughts are. But if you look at where we've really had problems--or let's flip the question; why do we think we still need some military presence there after June? I think because we believe there is more venom still in the political system than there otherwise would have been if there had been no perversion of the so-called state-run media by the political parties that control them. We believe that if the joint institutions were working a little more effectively they would--the people would see the benefits of the joint institutions more than they will by June. We're grateful that there are 2,000 civilian police working there. And I might say, while the United States has put up 90 percent of the money, as I said, the Europeans have put up 90 percent of the personnel for the training and the preparation of the civilian police. But there should be more. So I think that's what we have to do. I do not want to hold us hostage to the feelings of the people of Bosnia, although I believe the feelings will change as the facts of life change. But I do think we should stay there until we believe we've got the job done. Helen [Helen Thomas, United Press International]. Prosecution of War Crimes
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