On the recordJuly 25, 1998
Well, one of the problems we've had--I thought--I actually feel bad about this because I had a trip set up for the fall to India and Pakistan. And in 1993, when I took office, I got all of our people--actually, before I took office--and I said, ``Let's look at the major foreign policy challenges this country faces and figure out how we're going to deal with them and in what order.'' And as you might imagine, we went through the Middle East and Bosnia, and then we had Haiti on the list. We went through the idea that we had to build a trade alliance with Latin America, that we needed a systematic outreach to Africa, that the big issues were how were Russia and China going to define their future greatness and could we avoid a destructive future. And we worked hard on that. But I told everybody at the time, I said, one of the things that never gets in the newspapers in America is the relationship between India and Pakistan and what happens on the Indian subcontinent, where they already--India already has a population of over 900 million; in 30 years it will be more populous than China; it already has the world's biggest middle class. And Pakistan has well over 100 million people, and so does Bangladesh. So it's an amazing place. So I had planned to go there with plans to try to help resolve the conflicts between the two countries. One big problem is India steadfastly resists having any third party, whether it's the United States or the United Nations or anybody else, try to mediate on Kashmir. It's not surprising. India is bigger than Pakistan, but there are more Muslims than Hindus in Kashmir. I mean, it's not--the same reason that Pakistan, on the flipside, is dying to have international mediation because of the way the numbers work. What I think we have to do is go back to find a series of confidence-building measure which will enable these two nations to work together and trust each other more and to move back from the brink of military confrontation and from nuclear confrontation. And we have to find a way to involve the Russians and the Chinese, because the Indians always say they're building nuclear power because of China being a nuclear power and the border disputes they've had with China--and oh, by the way, we happen to have this Pakistani problem. So I have spent a lot of time on that, even though it hasn't achieved a lot of notoriety in the press. And I'm still hopeful that before the year is over, we'll be able to put them back on the right path toward more constructive relations. I mean, India, interestingly enough, is a democracy just as diverse, if not more diverse, than America. Almost no one knows this. But most-- most, but not all--the various minority groups in India live along the borders of India in the north. And it's just--it would be, I think, a terrible tragedy if Hindu nationalism led to both estrangement with the Muslim countries on the border and the minorities--Muslim and otherwise--within the borders of India, when Gandhi basically set the country up as a model of what we would all like to be, and when India's democracy has survived for 50 years under the most adverse circumstances conceivable and is now, I believe, in a position to really build a level of prosperity that has not been possible before. I feel the same thing with the Pakistanis. I think if they could somehow--they're much more vulnerable to these economic sanctions than the Indians are. If they could somehow ease their concerns which are leading to such enormous military expenditures and put it into people expenditures, we could build a different future there. I don't know if I can do any good with it, but I certainly intend to try because I think, whether we like it or not, I think that the one good thing that the nuclear tests have done is that they have awakened the West, and Americans in particular, to the idea that a lot of our children's future will depend on what happens in the Indian subcontinent.
Source
govinfo.gov




